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National Campaign for the Right to Education points to ‘masked’ setbacks in Bolsonaro’s decree

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São Paulo – Decree 10,531 signed on Monday (26) by President Jair Bolsonaro, and published today in Official Diary of the Union, lists commitments already assumed and foreseen by law for some time. The novelty is due to the keywords introduced in the middle of the text, which give an idea of ​​built-in setbacks: “Family”, “meritocratic base” and “respect for differences” among others. The evaluation is by the coordinator of the National Campaign for the Right to Education Andressa Pellanda.

Through topics published on her social networks, Andressa summarizes the analysis of the retrograde content of the guidelines drawn up for national education in the period from 2020 to 2031 by the decree of the Bolsonaro government.

(reproduction)

1- Nerve points are present: National Education System, training and valuing education professionals, expanding access, permanence and quality, etc. Everything is already foreseen in the Federal Constitution of 1988, in the Law of Directives and Bases of National Education (LDB), of 1996, in the Fund for Maintenance and Development of Basic Education and Valorization of Education Professionals (Fundeb) and in Law 13,005 / 2014, which institutes the National Education Plan (PNE). It remains to be said how it will fulfill everything without resources.

Setback

2- Here comes the words of the government, changing the legal provisions and giving the tone of regression (masked). Let’s talk about the first one: spreading “good practices” from those who managed to make “quality leaps” and what they understand by that: “promotion on meritocratic bases”.

3- Along with this story, what they intend to reinforce in the management of education, to La Guedes: “motivational aspects” and “interpersonal skills”. He is very unmotivated teacher and director – after triple hours and a miserable salary. Need to improve issaí, taokey?

4- You also have the old desire – of Ricardo Vélez, Abraham Weintraub and all-of-the-previous-alternatives – to modify the curriculum and teaching methodologies. It is clear that this National Common Curricular Base (BNCC) does not help, but the idea here is, as you know: God and creationism first, Paulo Freire never.

Indefensible

5- And then, behold, the triad “access, permanence and quality”, in a moment of the text, becomes “access, permanence and performance”. Nothing new in the Kingdom of Bolsonarca, but it is interesting when it does not disguise it, because it is more obvious for those who think to defend the indefensible.

6- Here comes the sensitive subject: gender. Of course, the term is not quoted. The concession is in “respect for differences” – terminology long gone for “promotion of differences”. And then they put “fighting SOCIAL inequalities” – not all, right? It’s asking too much.

7- Of course, after a miserable concession on diversities, you need to calm the fundamentalist clientele and what is being said? That’s right, family. And what word comes with that? This verb that is not used for the theme of diversities: PROMOTE!

8- I leave the excerpt: “promoting family participation in education (…) through orientation and support programs for families, closer relations between the school and the family and respect for the rights of parents or guardians of students. ” Hello, homeschooling!

Only football saves

9- And then that assistentialist-elitist view: “amplify access to the practice (…) of sport (…) especially for those who are in areas of social vulnerability”. Only football saves. After all, isn’t there a policy to promote social justice, okay?

10- And, finally, for higher education, reproduce all the magic words, plus proposals for “curricular internationalization” – because bringing in from outside is more priority than including those from here who do not have access, after all, university is not for everyone , ok?

11- Jeez, but we don’t speak English! So let’s “promote the linguistic policy for the internationalization of higher education”.

Development

12- Finally, it is worth remembering that in addition to the legislation we already have and already gives the “development” guideline in education – as I said at the beginning – we are signatories to the 2030 Agenda, the UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).

13- Criticisms of the SDGs apart (it is one of my subjects of study and critical analysis), not for nothing, throughout the text, this “development” agenda of the federal government is opposed to the “globalists” starting with the end date . It’s not 2030, it’s 2031. LAUGHTERS.

14- I made an overview of the agenda for education here, but it is worth reading the entire document and being horrified by the economic, environmental and other social areas. But being in a state of horror is not enough.

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Economy

more unemployment and more informality

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São Paulo – Government, businessmen and some parliamentarians were in tune with the defense of the bill that, if approved, would lead to the creation of Law 13,467 in 2017. The so-called labor reform, after all, would lead to the creation of millions of jobs. This would happen to the extent that it would end the rigidity of the legislation, which they treated as being “plastered”, facilitating hiring and giving the much-needed “modernization” to the Brazilian labor market.

Because the law completed three years on November 11 “and nobody celebrated, not even timidly”, recalls analyst Marcos Verlaine, from the Inter-Union Department of Parliamentary Advisory (Diap). “Among the expectations generated by the authors, the government of that time, the businessmen, who sponsored, defended and acted strongly in Congress to approve it, the media and reality, remained the harsh reality”, he says, in an article. He defines the measure passed by Congress as a “capital Trojan horse” to implode labor rights.

Collective bargaining?

The insistent defense of the “negotiated over the legislature”, a recurring expression at the time, was not to privilege negotiation, notes the analyst. “It was to remove rights, since the negotiations – both CCT (ccollective labor agreements) and ACT (collective labor agreements) – they never prevented, on the contrary, that the conventions surpass the CLT, nor that the agreements surpass the conventions. ”

The “millions” of jobs did not come, even before the pandemic. The growth in occupation was basically due to informal work. In 2016, the year before the “reform”, the country had 10.1 million unpaid employees in the private sector and 22.4 million self-employed workers. Last year, they were 11.6 million and 24.2 million, respectively (check table). The data are from the National Household Sample Survey (Pnad) Continua, from IBGE.

Modernization or precariousness?

Employment with a wallet fell. And the Gini index at work, which measures inequality, which until 2015 fell, rose again the following year and has not stopped.

The “reform” introduced hiring modalities, such as intermittent work. They were also presented as items of the necessary “modernization”, but union members and researchers identify them as additional signs of precariousness in the market. Although still small, the participation of the intermittent modality has been growing.

This week, the Federal Supreme Court (STF) began to judge direct actions of unconstitutionality against intermittent work. In his vote, the rapporteur, Minister Edson Fachin, considered the item unconstitutional and causing damage to workers’ health. But his colleagues Kassio Nunes Marques and Alexandre Moraes were in favor of the sport. The trial was interrupted by a request for view from Minister Rosa Weber.

If it is impossible to revoke the law in its entirety, Verlaine suggests specific changes, citing intermittent hiring. “It is necessary to negotiate with all political and social actors in order to bring about changes in this scorched earth scenario” he argues.

read more: ‘Labor Reform’: Stories of a False Promise and Changes in ‘Endless Destruction’

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